September of 1998 saw a U.S. presidency in crisis.  Two vans, one white and one blue, had just backed up to the U.S. Capitol and unleashed eighteen boxes of evidence in support of the Starr Report, which accused President Clinton of lying under oath to federal law enforcement officials.  The Starr Report was riddled with lurid details about the president’s sexual escapades, which were meant to prove that Clinton had perjured himself in previous grand jury testimony.

Congressional Republicans and Democrats alike were aghast at the president’s behavior, and set about negotiating which details of the Starr evidence to make available to the public.  Under a previous agreement, the entire body of evidence would be made public unless redacted by a congressional committee.  So attorneys for both sides sifted through the boxes to cross out social security numbers, addresses, phone numbers, and even details about Monica Lewinsky’s weight problems.

There was, however, a problem.  Democrats and Republicans were agreeing on everything.  At this point, President Clinton was left with one remaining defense – that the whole Starr Report episode was a partisan witch hunt against him.  Thus, bipartisanship was not in his best interest.

Julian Epstien, the Democratic chief counsel, recognized that the sides were getting along too well.  He needed split votes to take to the public.  So he set a trap for the Republicans – he would have his side make motion after motion to redact some of the lurid sexual testimony, knowing full well that the GOP representatives would resist.  The case, after all, rested on whether Clinton had a “sexual relationship” with Lewinsky.

When voting began, the Democrats followed the plan.  Motion after motion was made by Democrats to strike sexual details, only to have Republicans vote those motions down.  It made Republicans look like they were on a sex-crazed witch hunt.  In essence, the Democrats won by losing. 

This is a lesson that can be learned by Assembly Republicans in negotiating the Wisconsin state budget.  According to reports, 25 Assembly Republicans have signed some form of a no-tax increase pledge.  There is little doubt that when a final budget emerges, it will have some tax increases – whether they be a cigarette tax increase, a hospital tax increase, or an oil company tax increase.  In each case, the burden of these taxes will be borne by consumers.

Consequently, Assembly Republicans are going to need to pull some Assembly Democrat votes along for the ride to pass a final budget.  They shouldn’t make the effort.  Instead, they should allow the Democrats to pass a bill and hang themselves in the process.

Politically, passing an Assembly budget with, say, 25 Republican and 25 Democrat votes doesn’t do Republicans any good.  It makes the partly look flaccid and toothless.  The GOP should stand, to the fullest extent possible, against any budget that raises taxes as much as this budget likely will.  There will be a couple of Republicans that will jump ship and vote for the budget (line one is for you, Terry Musser), which should give the 47 Democrats the votes they need to pass the budget. 

Some Republicans could argue with the wisdom of essentially handing the budget over to the Democrats.  Yet with so many GOP members committed to a “no” vote, it is clear that the Dems are already writing this budget.  What leverage does Mike Huebsch currently have, other than the ability to block scheduling of the bill?  The most important votes in the Assembly now belong to Democrats likely to vote for the same budget their Senate cohorts will pass.  Republicans shouldn’t be complicit in this dog-and-pony show.

Instead, Republicans should resist this budget and begin the process of pointing out all the tax increases created and passed by Democrats.  They should be relentless in illustrating the extent to which Democrats want to drain the wallets of people who buy gas, go to the hospital, and buy homes.  Then, the voters will make up their minds in 2008 whether that is something they want to be a part of.

Admittedly, it would be odd for a Republican Speaker to schedule a bill for floor action that few members of his party intend to vote for.  And the Democratic Minority Leader may not be in a hurry to help bail Republicans out of the budget mess.  The current delay likely works to his caucus’ favor.

This budget is going to have tax increases.  Politically, if possible, it is best to place the blame for them squarely where it belongs – on the Democrats.  There should be no consideration given to making this a bipartisan disaster.

Win by losing.